At least one Oregon community happily bridged the gap between rural and urban settings. The Rainbow Family, by 1971 a well-established commune, owned a house in Eugene and a farm several hours away near Drain.7 The community found a unique way to supplement its conventional sources of income. In addition to their successful garden and outside employment, the Eugene house sponsored teenage runaways and delinquents. The arrangement was approved by the county, although many thought that a commune was the last place a misguided child should be. However, the commune's unofficial leader, Harold Williams, felt that the Rainbow Family gave something to the kids that traditional foster care didn't: "Kids living here learn the responsibilities they have for themselves and others. They are given adult status. ,,8 The urban cousins of Oregon's rural communes also believed they could create a more harmonious, less capitalistic lifestyle. To many critics within the movement, howeve
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III. Conclusion In this study I have sought to interpret the Song as it might have been understood by a member of the messianic remnant within Israel in the years prior to the coming of Jesus of Nazareth. I am thus trying to read the Song as it might have been understood prior to the allegorizations introduced by both the Rabbis and the early Christians. It seems to me that this non-allegorical messianic interpretation of the Song is simultaneously the most plausible interpretation of 63 Gordis, Song of Songs and Lamentations, 37-38 (italics in the original). 342 WESTMINSTER THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL the Song given its canonical context,64 and the most ‘‘Christian’’ understanding of the Song, for the early Christians read similar texts messianically (cf. the use of Ps 45 in Heb 1). The hermeneutical implications of this study are far-reaching. Roland Murphy writes: ‘‘Recent critics have been unable to establish an objective exegetical basis for decoding the Song alo
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Epilogue [9^7] Potentialh' more damaging w as the rc-emergence of the C//.cch \\ riter Tomas Rezac into tiic public c\c. After returning to O.echoslox akia from Zurich, Rezac had made a pubHc recantation on O.ech telex ision. He hatl then been taken up b\" Novosti and "encouraged" to write a So\iet-st\le biograph\' of Solzhenitsvn. The book appeared first in Italian, published In Teti (the specialists in anti-Solzhenitsvn literature), and soon thereafter in Russian, entitled Ihe Spiral of Solzhenitsyiis Betrayal. ^^ Rezac had been afforded every assistance b\' the Novosti press agenc\' to visit the So\ iet Union, tra\ el to the places of Solzhenitsvn's birth and schooldavs, and inter\ iew fcjrmer friends and acquaintances. Judging bv the list of people mentioned in the book, the overw helming majorit\ must have refused to ha\ e an\ thing to do u'ith Rezac. He did, however, manage to get a few words w ith Alexander Kagan, the bo\- Solz
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Ad van den Berg vóór de PNVD Gisteren sprak ik met Ad over zijn verleden. Vanzelfsprekend was ik wel enigszins bekend met zijn leven voor het PNVDtijdperk, maar ik hoorde ook van alles wat nieuw was voor mij. Aangezien het mij ook leuk lijkt voor anderen om wat meer te vernemen over de persoon Ad, besloot ik met hulp van hem deze korte biografie samen te stellen. Norbert de Jonge; 2 januari 2009 Jeugd Ad is geboren in 1944 als het vierde kind uit een gezin van 8 kinderen. Van zijn siblings zijn er twee overleden: één broer op 29jarige leeftijd aan de gevolgen van een hartinfarct, één broer op 27jarige leeftijd tijdens een motorongeluk. Tot zijn 22ste woonde Ad bij zijn ouders in Rotterdam. Zijn moeder was huisvrouw, zijn vader had in de haven de leiding over het in en uitklaren van schepen. Ad doorliep in die stad een katholieke school met een onprettig regime, en de mulo (voorloper van de mavo; zie Foto 1). Het klimaat op laatstgenoemde school ervaarde hij als onprettig, met na